who had been fighting a decade earlier to train at the South African Military College (85).The collection mentions other forms of socialization at military colleges such as -housing for officers and families, student groups and initiatives, -however, these examples remain generally outside the book's focus on institutional histories, leadership, and curricula.This more limited view of military education leaves the education of nurses, women's auxiliary forces, and militia regrettably out of scope, as were connections with military education and organizations such as the Scouts, Girl Guides, cadets, and public schools.The voices of students themselves are generally overshadowed by a focus on correspondence between senior leadership, published official histories, or course texts.Perhaps future work that builds on this foundational text will explore intersections of military education with other educational systems, particularly public schools where military education was often part of curricula, and with ideals of imperial masculinity and citizenship.In general, and with a few exceptions, gender, race and empire sit at the margin for much of the collection's analysis.As agents of empire, institutions for military education were also agents of colonial violence.Discussions about how racial and gendered ideologies of patriarchal white supremacy shaped who was let into military educational systems -and who was kept out and policed -feels left hanging in the balance.So too does the reality that staff, officers, and recruits who trained at these military institutions participated in colonial violence.A growing scholarship has demonstrated the pervasive and damaging ways imperialism takes hold through educational systems.Future studies could build on this work's strong foundation by more directly exploring military education as part of the British imperial project.